Benjamin Netanyahu finally disengaged on Monday from the democratic, liberal, progressive, enlightened, and Western Israel of which he used to boast at the UN General Assembly. Meanwhile, he made a blood pact with the racist, messianic, ultra-Orthodox and nationalist State of Judea.
This group will bring sure destruction upon him, but the sane majority can find no joy in this; a similar fate awaits the country itself. It’s quite possible that the law passed on Monday will in some way save Netanyahu from his corruption trial. He will now be able to challenge the Supreme Court, depose the attorney general, and appoint a “general prosecutor” to prosecute his cases. It’s good news for him. He may be saved. But in every other respect, it does nothing for him.
For Netanyahu, there is no way back. In mid-October, after the Knesset returns from its recess, he will advance legislation enabling the Haredim to avoid conscription – the Basic Law on Torah Study. What makes Israel what it is? Perpetual yeshiva students or a productive population contributing to the economy and serving in the military? When this legislation is completed, Netanyahu will next enact a restructuring of the Judicial Appointments Committee. No one will be surprised if more judicial overhaul legislation emerges later on. His allies are hungry.
It will happen whether he wants it or not. Netanyahu is no longer the master of the house in his government and coalition. On Monday, we saw on live television who’s really running the show: Itamar Ben-Gvir, Yariv Levin, and Simcha Rothman. The prime minister is entirely passive. Never have we seen such a disgraceful display of weakness and impotence. Maybe that’s how he interpreted his doctors’ advice not to exert himself.
In this cowardly silence, there was a choice: between Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and Chief of Staff Herzl Halevi (whom Netanyahu refused to meet before voting) on one side and Levin’s gang and the fascists on the other. He chose the latter. By the way, while Netanyahu couldn’t find time to meet Halevi, he had time for the right-wing commentator Jacob Bardugo. After their meeting, the chauvinist macher tweeted about the attorney general, “Gali [Baharav-Miara] will be fired.”
The chaos that was celebrated in the plenary is a perfect illustration of how this government of destruction and lawlessness functions. A bitter debate exploded between Gallant, who warned that the military was falling apart on his watch, and Levin, the father of the government coup tearing the country apart. The first begged for some leniency. The other stuck to his guns. Gallant acted contemptibly. He voted “yes” under threat of dismissal, after ending the Knesset’s winter session in March a hero, with Levin as a politician with clipped wings.
On Monday, they swapped roles. In the middle, meanwhile, the supposed leader sat, detached, staring, indifferent. It’s what Menachem Begin looked like in the twilight of his career, when he was gripped by depression.
The scene reminded me of cartoons where the devil sits on one shoulder of the hero and an angel on the other. It was also a reminder of what a failure Netanyahu is in making decisions. He always does it at the last minute – sometimes after the last minute. It’s always conditioned on the intensity of the threat he faces. A multiple organ system failure is happening on his watch – in the military, the economy, high-tech, foreign relations and society – and he’s doing nothing.
Netanyahu is the master of exploiting successes and appropriating others’ achievements. When a law that’s important to him is passed (the Nation-State Law, for example), he doesn’t miss an opportunity to go up to the podium and celebrate. On Monday, one minute after the Knesset – with only the votes of the coalition – passed the law banning courts’ use of the reasonableness standard in its most extreme form, he escaped like a rabbit. Bibi ran away.
Left behind to celebrate with selfies were the settlers and Likudniks. Then, Levin went up to the podium and announced that the new law was “the first step in a historic process to reform the judicial system.” “Reform” – this was the term used by the man who pushed for barring the reasonableness standard to keep the Supreme Court from ordering him to convene the Judicial Appointments committee, to dodge naming justices to the Supreme Court, and to fail to appoint dozens of judges to the magistrate’s and district courts, where the burden placed on an understaffed bench is inhumane.
The right loves to recall protests over the Gaza disengagement as a mirror image (completely distorted) of what is happening today. Back then, after the Knesset had approved the Disengagement Law, its supporters did not rejoice in the Knesset. They tried to be human, not to be cold-hearted, aloof, and cruel like the lawmakers we saw on Monday.
As the day drew to a close, the prime minister spoke in a live broadcast. Suddenly, we saw a responsible political leader. It was as though he hadn’t been implanted with a pacemaker but with a spoonful of sugar. As usual, he lied, manipulated, and obfuscated matters. We passed the “reasonableness amendment,” he said, “so that Israeli governments can implement policies.” He’s been prime minister for 16 years. Has he never implemented a policy initiative? How did Israel reach these heights?
“None of our compromise proposals was accepted,” he lied. “Even today, up to the last minute, we tried … but the other side persistently refused.” The so-called attempt was a deceptive and lousy piece of propaganda. And if he wanted so much and longed for compromise, why did he bother with the opposition? Compromise with Levin and Ben-Gvir first, then pass the compromise text in the Knesset.
As expected, he promised that the coalition would soon propose negotiations with the opposition, even up to “the end of November.” He’s well-known as a philanthropist, of course. After all, in November, the Knesset will deal with the corrupt and discriminatory conscription law.
There was not a single sentence in his remarks that was free of deception, guile, misrepresentation, and distortion. While he was speaking, a car ran into peaceful protesters who were marching on Kaplan Street in Tel Aviv.
It begins with Ben-Gvir saying that “the salad bar is open,” Miri Regev, demanding to jail reservist pilots who stop volunteering, and victory celebrations in the Knesset, and ends with wounded civilians lying on the road.